8 Implications for policy
8.1 The contribution of different disciplines
The disciplines described in this paper provide a diversity of views on human nature and the structure and behaviour of families. Since each discipline rests on very different assumptions about human nature, and uses different explanatory models, each has different implications for government in the design and implementation of policies that involve individuals and affect families. Such policies of course, are not necessarily those directed only at families, but also include others that affect families and where individual decisions involve, affect or are affected by other family members.
There are some overlaps. Evolutionary biology encompasses evolutionary psychology; and there are links between sociology and anthropology. Evolutionary biology resembles economics in its methodology (Hirshleifer 1977). Both try to explain complex phenomena from a few basic principles, and use a scientific methodology of hypothesis testing. Both disciplines use notions such as optimisation, cost-benefit analysis, investment and game theory and make predictions about how people behave. Although mainstream economics has not yet incorporated evolutionary insights, evolution is being incorporated into some aspects of economics (Burnham 1997). There are also overlaps and complementarities in explanations of assortative mating, altruism, and non-marital childbearing between disciplines.
Of the disciplines discussed, economics seems to be most commonly used to analyse policy, perhaps because of its emphasis on defining the problem to be addressed, and predicting the nature, size and distribution of policy effects (for example the incentives it produces; its likely effectiveness and the costs and benefits). Other disciplines are also used to analyse policy. Evolutionary biology, for example, has informed “Third Way” policies in the United Kingdom (see for example Singer 1999). Feminist analysis is often used to analyse policies that have implications for women.
Table 5 summarises key ideas on aspects of family behaviour from different disciplines.
History documents the changes in families over time—how they have been defined and structured, and how the roles of individuals have changed. It serves as a reminder that families are not static, but change in response to changing circumstances. At the same time, however, it illustrates the path-dependent nature of families—families today are influenced by the way families have been structured and have functioned in the past.
Demography illustrates the changing nature of the family through trends in cohabitation and marriage and divorce, births and deaths and work patterns. The changing family suggests that the family can change both in structure and function as circumstances change.
Anthropology is an important source of information on the nature and structure of families, and of how individuals fit within family systems. Most research has been undertaken on non-Western societies and illustrates the considerable variation in family systems across cultures. It also underscores the centrality of the family across cultures, suggesting that it fulfils important functions and that there are thus are strong drives for family formation. It also shows that family systems change over time, although some dimensions of family systems remain fairly intact.
| Anthropology | Sociology | Psychology | Economics | Biology | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Anthropology | Sociology | Psychology | Economics | Biology | |
| Model | No unified theory. | Structural functionalism – family socialises children, and acts to stabilise adult personality | Study of human nature and experience. Focuses on the individual. | Rational actors | Evolution Natural selection and adaptation Relative investment in offspring by men and women drives differences in their motivations and behaviour |
| Maximising behaviour | |||||
| Incentives | |||||
| Emphasises differences | Symbolic interactionism – how families create and re-create themselves through interaction and ritual | Opportunity cost | |||
| Contrary to perceptions, does not see humans as unthinking slaves of culture | Marxist – family reproduces class, arose as a result of inheritance | Social psychology: people construct their experience of reality. Social influences are pervasive. | Comparative advantage | ||
| Most research undertaken on non-Western societies | Feminist – family as site of patriarchal oppression | Developmental psychology: individual cognitive, emotional, social development from birth to death. Focus on childhood as a formative stage. | Contract | ||
| Formation | Norms on family formation, family structure, property transmission, kin terms, marriage family structure co-evolve as “family systems”. | Affective individualism – love and personal fulfilment as the foundations of marriage | To fulfil strong innate drives (attachment, intimacy, acceptance, sexual, reproductive, social power, conformity with social norms). | Specialisation | Male competition |
| Insurance | |||||
| Marriage-specific investments | |||||
| Mate selection through the “marriage market’ | |||||
| Assortative mating | |||||
| Search costs | Female choice | ||||
| Family systems can vary enormously across cultures and periods | Also a learned behaviour: importance of role models and conditioning. | Imperfect information | Investment in children | ||
| Structure | Family systems vary enormously | Post-modern family | How a family functions is far more important than structure to individual well-being & child development. | Mostly discusses monogamy | Monogamy |
| Women prefer older, high status men | |||||
| Polygyny can benefit married women by raising demand for wives | Men prefer young, nubile women | ||||
| “Serial polygyny” | Incentives for infidelity – females get “better” children, males get more children | ||||
| Increasing variation in family forms, with no new modal category replacing the male-breadwinner nuclear model | Allocation of resources – bargaining models and interdependent utility functions | Young female syndrome for sole motherhood | |||
| Behaviour | The extent to which responsibilities for childcare are concentrated in the hands of parents varies across cultures. | Sex roles : psychoanalytic feminism – gender arises from the fact that it is women who mother | Critical factors for individual well-being and child development: secure attachment, autonomy, hierarchy, flexibility, authoritative parenting style, low levels of family stress (from external or internal sources). | Sex roles - agnostic in principle about comparative advantage | Kin altruism |
| Differences in sex roles persistent and universal | |||||
| Men and women have different agendas, not different abilities | |||||
| Conflicts of interest | |||||
| Gender roles more variable than is often assumed | Fertility – quantity vs quality | Infidelity | |||
| Dissolution | Dissolution tied up with family systems – eg divorce in Islamic Southeast Asia. | Rise in divorce rates a result of affective individualism – increasing attention to personal fulfilment | The critical factors are violation of an individual’s expectations & needs, | Women suffer greater costs from divorce, but gap is reducing | Incentives for men to divorce as wives age and fertility declines |
| Legal environment matters for incentives | |||||
| chronic unresolved conflict, and absence of commitment (infidelity is a symptom). | No fault divorce means marriage doesn’t function as a contract - divorce has increased. | ||||
| Unintended effects of divorce and divorce legislation on women and children | Negative impacts on child development are a result of poor family functioning (not separation per se). | Theory says women more to gain from marriage BUT women file for divorce more | Incentives for women to divorce low-status men | ||
| Pathology | Some family pathologies such as the “missing females” of East and South Asia, and tensions between various categories of kin, are linked to family systems | Family is a powerful combination of emotional intensity and personal intimacy | Negative impacts of child abuse on emotional and cognitive development may be long-lasting. Inter-generational cycles of child maltreatment | Opportunism a consequence of unenforceability of the marriage contract | Infanticide by mothers in uncertain environments |
| Male jealousy leads to domestic violence | |||||
| Homicide uncommon among blood relatives | |||||
| Radical feminists – symbolic violence against women leads directly to actual physical and mental violence | Exploitation of quasi rents within marriage – more spousal and child abuse | Child abuse more common by step-parents | |||
| Change | Family systems change over time – though underlying principles can be surprisingly resilient | Increasing variation in family forms | More step-families: adjustment problems for children are common. | Increase in earning power of women | Human nature determined by evolution but behaviour it generates is varied and adaptable |
| Consistent and effective parenting, absence of conflict between biological parents, and accommodation of former family traditions are the key to good outcomes. | |||||
| Policy | Anthropologists emphasise the unintended consequences of policies – how people resist or reinterpret policies. | The family increasingly under the purview of the State | What happens within families is critical to outcomes. The state’s ability to influence family functioning is constrained. | Improve the efficiency of contracting | Families are a natural coalition of common genetic interests |
| Avoid incentives for appropriation of quasi rents | |||||
| Family law matters, but all options flawed | |||||
| State supports a particular conception of the family | Informal social norms matter more! | Understanding genetic predispositions can help shape appropriate policies | |||
| The “privacy” of the family is illusory | Private domain, state has very limited windows of opportunity to detect problems and intervene, lack of knowledge about what makes a difference, some interventions (eg, removing children) may have perverse impacts. | Beware perverse incentives and unintended consequences of govt spending | Laws can help to channel behaviour |
Sociology does not have a central, established core of belief. Its principal theories are structural functionalism in which the family is seen to exist to socialise children to stabilise adult personality, and symbolic interactionism, which describes how families create and re-create themselves through interaction and ritual. Marxist sociology focuses on the family as the mechanism for reproducing class, while feminist sociology views the family as the site of patriarchal oppression. In general, sociologists are inclined to view the environment as more important than heredity in influencing gender differences. Sociologists tend to view changes in the family as driven, in part, by technical and economic change. While the structure of the family has changed, it has retained its core functions of reproduction and bringing up children. A central question for sociology however, is how well different types of family structure fulfil these core functions.
In contrast to the social perspective of anthropology and sociology, psychology, like economics, focuses on the individual. At its core is the study of human nature. Social psychology examines the social influences on individuals and how they behave, while developmental psychology focuses on childhood as a formative stage.
The economic view reinforces the structural functionalism of sociology, suggesting that the forces and incentives shaping the drive for family formation have changed over time, resulting in changes to family structure. The market now handles many functions, such as education, insurance and signalling, better than the family. The increasing human capital of women in Western economies has led to their greater labour force participation and has resulted in a drop in fertility and increased divorce.
In analysing policy, economics emphasises that second-round effects (ie, beyond the immediate effects intended), perverse incentives and unintended consequences. Well-intentioned policy might not only be thwarted by the individuals’ responses, but it might also harm the very people it was designed to help. Government policies, such as female education, which are not directed at families, may yet have significant impacts on the family. Other policies directed at one aspect of the family (for example supporting children in single parent families) may have unintended consequences in another aspect of the family (for example discouraging father involvement with children). Some government policies, for example “baby bonuses” to increase fertility, may be ineffectual if they run counter to other forces such as the increasing labour force participation of women.
Evolutionary biology explains human behaviour from a genetic perspective in which reproductive success is the fundamental driver. The differences in the investment of men and women in reproduction are seen as driving differences in their motivation and behaviour. In contrast to anthropology, psychology and sociology, which tend to favour nurture over nature as explaining behaviour, evolutionary biology suggests that nature shapes potentialities, but not outcomes (Pinker 2002).
There is growing recognition that both genes and the environment are important — the issue is not whether nature or nurture is more important, but how they interact. Genes do not determine behaviour; rather they are conditioned by and react to the environment (Ridley 2003). Understanding of how different environments and events affect and in turn are affected by genes can be important in policymaking.
