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2.3.2  Family and household structure

Social scientists generally use the term family to refer to a group of closely related kin, not necessarily living together. They use the term household to refer to a group of people, not necessarily kin, who live together.[3]

Table 2 uses a fairly crude typology to set out some basic information about household and family structure. Households in the table are assigned the ethnicity of the “occupier” (the “reference person”, formerly the “household head.”) An “extended” household is one containing more kin than just a couple and their children. The “stem” households, described in Section 2.1, with a grandparents, parents, and grandchildren, would be a typical example. As Table 2 shows, extended households are more common among Maori than among Pakeha, as are sole parent households. For both Maori and Pakeha, the mix of household types changed significantly between 1976 and 1996. Such changes are typically a product of demographic trends, such as shift to having fewer children, changes in the norms governing co-residence, such as a greater acceptance of solo parenting, and assorted other factors, including the availability of housing. Determining the relative contributions of various sources of change is difficult.

Table 2 – Percent of households by type
  Pakeha* Maori*
  1976 1996 1976 1996%
Two parent 43% 31% 48% 30%
Couple only 21% 28% 8% 12%
Sole parent 5% 8% 7% 19%
Extended 9% 6% 22% 19%
One person 15% 22% 7% 13%
Non-related 7% 5% 7% 6%
Total 100% 100% 99% 99%

*Ethnicity of the “occupier” (’the “household head” or “reference person.’)

Source: Dickson, et al(1997: Appendix 4) cited in Dharmalingam, Pool, Sceats, and Singley (2000: Appendix Table 5.4).

One feature of co-residence patterns with particular policy significance is the living arrangements of older people. Table 3 presents data on the living arrangements of people aged 65 and over in 1996.[4] The table shows that most older people live with their spouse or live alone. The proportion living alone has been increasing over time: in 1966 it was only about 20% whereas by 1996 it was 28% (Statistics New Zealand 1998a: 41).

Table 3 – Living arrangements of people aged 65 and over, 1996
Living arrangements Percent of older people
With spouse/partner 49%
Alone 28%
With children 11%
With sibling or parents 1%
With other relatives 5%
With other people 6%
Total 100%

Source - 1996 Census data, cited in Statistics New Zealand {, 1998 #4194}.

Note – These estimates include people living in institutions and in private dwellings.

2.3.3  Sex/gender roles

The 1998-9 New Zealand Time Use Survey provides information on how males and females allocate time for work and leisure. Table 4 provides a broad overview of the results. Males and females spend approximately the same time on personal care and on leisure. There is a substantial gender difference, however, in the allocation of time to the various forms of work. Formal education and paid employment are described as “contracted time”, and unpaid activities such as care giving and housework as “committed time.” As might be expected, males have more “contracted time” and females more “committed time”.

Table 4 – How New Zealanders aged 12 and over spend the average day
  Females Males
Necessary time Personal care such as sleeping, eating, hygiene 46% 44%
Contracted time Labour force activity, education, and training 12% 21%
Committed time Housework, caring for household members, shopping, unpaid work outside home 20% 12%
Free time Religious, cultural, civic participation; sport, hobbies television, other entertainment 22% 23%
Total 100% 100%

Source: Statistics New Zealand (2001a: Figures 1.1, 1.2)

The survey contained questions about the allocation of time by parents with children. It found that mothers whose youngest child was aged 0-4 spent an average of 7.5 hours a day on unpaid work, while mothers whose youngest child was aged 14-17 spent 4.5 hours. For fathers the corresponding figures were 4.0 hours and 2.5 hours. The survey also found that mothers in the paid workforce worked an average of 20 hours a week if their youngest child was aged 0-4, and 35 hours a week if their youngest child was aged 14-17. For fathers the corresponding figures were 42 hours and 48 hours (Statistics New Zealand 2001a: Figure 2.1.19). Though many mothers work, the continued existence of a gender division of labour is clear.

Notes

  • [3]Studying family and household structure requires a classification system. Classification systems can be complex. Statistics New Zealand for instance, distinguishes seven types of “one-family household’: “Couple only,” “Couple only and other person(s),” “Couple with child(ren),” “Couple with child(ren) and other person(s),” “One parent with child(ren),” “One parent with child(ren) and other person(s),” and “One-family household, not further defined.” Statistics New Zealand “Statistical Standard for Family Type” (http://www.stats.govt.nz/domino/external/web/carsweb.nsf/Standards?openview) and a table entitled “Household Composition for Households in Private Occupied Dwellings, 1991, 1996 and 2001” (http://xtabs.stats.govt.nz/eng/TableFinder/variableDisplay.asp). These distinctions can be important. Use of a cruder typology might, for instance, have obscured the fact that “one-quarter of Pakeha, one-third of Maori, and almost half the Pacific Island sole-parent families are not in sole-parent households” (Shirley, Koopman-Boyden, Pool and John 1997). The more complex a typology, however, the harder it is to identify trends and patterns.
  • [4]Although some of the living arrangements shown in the table are not in principle mutually exclusive, the Statistics New Zealand (1998a) report from which the data were obtained seems to imply that overlap is in practice rare.
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